Friday, September 21, 2012

Muhammad Ali's advice to his daughters... Kita?


The following incident took place when Muhammad Ali's daughters arrived at his home,  wearing clothes that were not modest. 

Here is the story as told by one of his daughters:

When we finally arrived, the chauffeur escorted my younger sister, Laila, and me up to my father's suite. As usual, he was hiding behind the door waiting to scare us. We exchanged many hugs and kisses as we could possibly give in one day.

My father took a good look at us. Then he sat me down on his lap and said something that I will never forget. He looked me straight in the eyes and said, "Hana, everything that God made valuable in the world is covered and hard to get to. Where do you find diamonds? Deep down in the ground, covered and protected.

Where do you find pearls? Deep down at the bottom of the ocean, covered up and protected in a beautiful shell. Where do you find gold? Way down in the mine, covered over with layers and layers of rock. You've got to work hard to get to them."

He looked at me with serious eyes. "Your body is sacred. You're far more precious than diamonds and pearls, and you should be covered too." 

Source: Taken from the book: More Than A Hero: Muhammad Ali's Life Lessons Through His Daughter's Eyes





Wednesday, September 19, 2012

JANGAN Berzina Dengan Isteri Jiran


Berzina Dengan Isteri Jiran

Hadith :
Abdullah bin Mas’ud meriwayatkan katanya : “Aku bertanya : “ Ya Rasulullah! Manakah satu dosa yang paling besar? Baginda bersabda : “Engkau menjadikan sekutu bagi Allah sedangkan Ia yang menciptakan engkau. Aku bertanya : “ Kemudian apa ?” Baginda bersabda : “ Engkau membunuh anak mu kerana takut ia makan bersama mu. Aku bertanya : “ Kemudian apa ?” Baginda bersabda : “ Engkau berzina dengan isteri jiran mu.” (Hadith Riwayat Bukhari, Muslim, Nasaie dan Tirmidzi).


Huraian

Islam memandang setiap dosa besar itu sebagai sesuatu yang serius dan orang yang melakukannya wajib bertaubat (nasuha), menyesal tidak mengulangi perbuatan tersebut, memperbanyakkan istighfar dan ibadah kepada Allah. Jika ia mati dan tidak sempat bertaubat maka sesungguhnya balasan seksa yang azab akan menunggunya di neraka kelak. Sedangkan telah disebut dalam sebuah hadis, bahawa seringan-ringan seksaan neraka itu ialah sekiranya batu neraka itu diletakkan di bawah tapak kaki, nescaya akan menggelegaklah otak manusia. Dalam hal mensyirikkan Allah, membunuh anak dan berzina dengan ‘isteri orang’, dosa-dosa yang bakal ditanggung amat berat sekali. Justeru memohon ampun kepada Allah mesti dilakukan (jika ia berkaitan dengan hubungan antara manusia dengan Tuhannya) disusuli dengan memohon kemaafan daripada manusia (individu terbabit) iaitu sekiranya kesalahan atau dosa itu berkaitan berlaku sesama manusia seperti dosa berzina dengan isteri jiran iaitu si pelaku tersebut mesti meminta maaf di atas perbuatan terkutuknya di samping memohon keampunan yang bersungguh-sungguh kepada Allah SWT.

Ulasan: Bersama-samalah kita akur dengan cara pergaulan Islam. Bersama-sama kita ingat memperingatkan.

http://anamukmin3.blogspot.com/2010/05/berzina-dengan-isteri-jiran.html

Yang Memabukkan Tetap Dilarang


Yang Memabukkan Tetap Dilarang

Hadith :

Dari Abu Musa r.a ia berkata: ”Ya Rasulullah, saya tinggal di suatu daerah di mana orang membuat sebangsa minuman keras dari madu dan dinamakan mereka al-Bit’u dan sebangsa minuman keras lagi dari gamdum dan mereka namakan al-Mizru.”  Rasulullah s.a.w bersabda: ”Setiap minuman yang memabukkan adalah haram (terlarang)!”.(HR Bukhari).

Huraian

Seorang muslim wajib mengikat setiap perbuatannya dengan hukum syara’ sebagai membuktikan kemitmennya terhadap agama. Pengharaman meminum arak adalah kerana kesannya yang memabukkan. Oleh kerana itu apa saja yang mempunyai potensi yang memabukkan maka ia adalah haram. Ingatlah, iman dengan arak tidak mungkin bolah bersatu dalam tubuh manusia. Salah satu di antaranya harus keluar. Orang yang mabuk mulutnya akan mengeluarkan kata-kata kufur, dan jika menjadi kebiasaan sampai akhir hayatnya, ia akan mati di dalam kekufuran. Sebagaimana inti khutbah Khalifah Uthman bin Affan r.a. seperti yang diriwayatkan oleh Az-Zuhriy, khalifah Uthman mengingatkan agar berhati-hati terhadap arak kerana ia adalah punca segala perbuatan keji dan mungkar. Apabila seseorang itu mabuk dia akan sanggup berzina dan membunuh membunuh seperti kisah seorang ahli ibadah yang selalu tekun beribadah di masjid. Suatu hari lelaki yang soleh itu berkenalan dengan seorang wanita cantik. Disebabkan sudah jatuh hati, lelaki itu menurut sahaja ketika disuruh oleh wanita itu memilih antara tiga perkara maksiat. Pertama minum arak, kedua berzina dan ketiga membunuh bayi. Mengingatkan bahawa meminum arak dosanya lebih kecil daripada dua pilihan lain yang diajukan, lelaki soleh itu terus memilih arak. Tetapi apa yang berlaku, dengan meminum arak yang memabukkan itu, dia ternyata telah melakukan dua kejahatan yang lain, iaitu berzina dan membunuh bayi di sisinya!

http://anamukmin3.blogspot.com/2009/08/yang-memabukkan-tetap-dilarang.html

Sedekah


Sedekah

Hadith :
Sabda Rasulullah s.a.w yang maksudnya:
“Hendaklah setiap orang Islam itu bersedekah , jika ia tidak dapat berbuat demikian , maka hendaklah ia berusaha sendiri yang dapat memberi faedah kepada dirinya sendiri dan dengan yang demikian ia dapat bersedekah, jika ia tidak sanggup, maka hendaklah ia menolong orang yang susah yang memerlukan bantuan, jika sekiranya ia dapat berbuat demikian, maka hendakah ia menyuruh orang lain mengerjakan kebaikan, jika ia tidak dapat berbuat demikian juga, maka hendaklah menahan dirinya daripada melakukan kejahatan, kerana yang demikian itu adalah dianggap sedekah.” (Hadith Riwayat Ahmad).

Huraian
Pengajaran Hadith:
i) Membantu orang yang tidak berada dan berkongsi menggunakan suatu kemudahan adalah salah satu daripada sifat yang amat dituntut di dalam Islam.

Ii) Setiap umat Islam hendaklah berusaha sedaya upaya untuk melakukan kebaikan dan kebajikan di dalam hidupnya sama ada dengan memberikan bantuan tenaga, buah fikiran atau memberikan nasihat yang berguna kepada orang lain di mana semua ini dinilai sebagai sedekah.

Iii) Kategori sedekah yang paling minimum adalah dengan menjauhkan diri daripada melakukan perkara-perkara yang jahat (buruk) di mana dengan cara itu seseorang telah dianggap menyelamatkan masyarakat sekitarnya daripada keburukan dirinya yang boleh membahayakan orang lain.

iv) Bersedekah hendaklah dilakukan dengan hati yang ikhlas dan bukan diiringi dengan perasaan ingin menunjuk-nunjuk (riya’) kerana ini akan menghilangkan pahala bersedekah.

http://anamukmin3.blogspot.com/2009/08/sedekah.html

Jangan Meremehkan Sedekah Orang


Hadith :
Dari Abu Mas’ud r.a katanya:”kami diperintah rasulullah s.a.w supaya bersedekah sedangkan kami hanya sebagai buruh kasar atau kuli. Namun Abu Uqail bersedekah setengah gantang. Kemudian yang lainnya mengikutinya dengan menyedekahkan apa sahaja namun lebih banyak dari itu. Melihat kenyataan itu, orang-orang munafik berkata: ”Sesungguhnya Allah Maha Kaya. Dia (iaitu Allah) tidak memerlukan sedekah itu dan ini. Dan mereka melakukan ini semua, hanya kerana riya’ semata-mata.” Kerana ucapan mereka itu maka turunlah ayat : ”(Orang-orang munafik iaitu) mereka yang mencela orang-orang mukmin yang memberikan sedekah dengan sukarela dan (mencela) orang-orang yang tidak memperoleh (sesuatu untuk disedekahkan) selain hasil jerih payah mereka. Maka orang-orang munafik itu menghina mereka. Allah akan mebalas penghinaan mereka itu dengan siksa yang pedih.” (at-Taubah:79).


Huraian
Allah SWT Maha Mengetahui siapa diri kita yang sebenarnya. Apa yang nyata keislaman seseorang tidak diukur oleh luasnya ilmu agama yang dimiliki. Tidak juga diukur oleh kekuatan ibadah semata. Tetapi keislaman itu diukur pada orang yang paling ikhlas dalam agamanya termasuk dalam bersedekah kerana sesungguhnya seorang mukmin yang sebenar akan sanggup menawarkan hartanya demi mempertahankan agamanya, sementara orang munafik pula akan sanggup menawarkan agamanya demi mempertahankan hartanya.

http://anamukmin3.blogspot.com/2009/09/jangan-meremehkan-sedekah-orang.html

Sedekah Tidak Mengurangkan Harta


Hadith :

Daripada Abu Hurairah r.a berkata bahawa Rasulullah SAW bersabda yang maksudnya : “ Sedekah tidak mengurangkan harta. Allah tidak melebihkan seseorang hamba dengan kemaafan-Nya melainkan kemuliaan dan tidak merendahkan diri seseorang melainkan Allah mengangkatnya.”

(HR Muslim, ad-Darimi dan Ahmad)


Huraian

Dalam amalan bersedekah, kita perlu melakukannya dengan ikhlas kerana Allah, bukan disebabkan balasan nama atau sekadar bersedekah saja. Agar sedekah tidak menjadi sia-sia, Islam mengajarkan umatnya menyumbang dan bersedekah menepati erti ‘sedekah’ iaitu :

1.  Sedekahlah dengan barang yang disenangi penerima. Allah melarang bersedekah dengan benda yang tidak baik kerana bersedekah adalah ibadat dan tanda mensyukuri nikmat Allah. 
Firman Allah yang maksudnya : “Wahai orang yang beriman! Belanjakanlah pada jalan Allah sebahagian daripada hasil usaha kamu yang baik dan sebahagian daripada apa yang Kami keluarkan dari bumi untuk kamu. Dan janganlah kamu sengaja memilih yang buruk daripadanya lalu kamu dermakan atau kamu jadikan pemberian zakat, padahal kamu sendiri tidak sekali-kali akan mengambil yang buruk itu kalau diberikan kepada kamu, kecuali dengan memejamkan mata padanya. Dan ketahuilah, sesungguhnya Allah Maha Kaya, lagi sentiasa terpuji.” (al-Baqarah: 267).

2.  Sesuatu yang disedekahkan ialah yang halal, bukan haram atau subahat.

3.  Sunat bagi pemberi sedekah atau penderma bersedekah dan menderma daripada benda yang disukai dan disayangi, tidak kira sama sedikit atau banyak sebagaimana firman Allah SWT yang maksudnya: “Kamu tidak sekali-kali akan dapat mencapai hakikat kebajikan dan kebaktian yang sempurna sebelum kamu dermakan sebahagian daripada apa yang kamu sayangi. Dan apa jua yang kamu dermakan maka sesungguhnya Allah Maha Mengetahuinya.” (Ali-Imran:92).

4. Bersedekah dengan disertai keikhlasan, bukan mengungkit, merungut, membidas dan menyakiti hati orang yang menerima sedekah kerana perbuatan ini haram dan merosakkan amalan bersedekah.

5. Sedekah yang diberikan secara sembunyi lebih afdhal, ibarat tangan kanan yang memberi, tangan kiri tidak mengetahuinya.

http://anamukmin3.blogspot.com/2010/01/sedekah-tidak-mengurangkan-harta.html

Tuesday, September 18, 2012

.:: KENAPA ALLAH CIPTA NERAKA DAN SYURGA ::.

Ini kisah benar..kisah seorang gadis Melayu, beragama Islam, tapi cetek pengetahuan tentang agama.

Ceritanya begini, di sebuah negeri yang melaksanakan dasar 'Membangun Bersama Islam', kerap kali pihak berkuasa tempatan 
menjalankan pemeriksaan mengejut di premis-premis perniagaan dan kompleks beli-belah,
untuk memastikan para pekerja di premis berkenaan menutup aurat.

Aku tak pasti berapa jumlah denda yang dikenakan sekiranya didapati melakukan kesalahan,
tapi selalunya mereka akan diberi amaran bagi kesalahan pertama, dan didenda jika didapati masih enggan mematuhi garis panduan yang ditetapkan.

Lazimnya dalam setiap operasi sebegini, seorang ustaz ditugaskan bersama dengan para pegawai pihak berkuasa tempatan.

Tugasnya adalah untuk menyampaikan nasihat secara berhemah, kerana hukuman dan denda semata-mata tidak mampu memberi kesan yang mendalam.

Dalam satu insiden, ketika operasi yang dijalankan sekitar 2005, seorang gadis yang bekerja di salah satu lot premis perniagaan

di Pasaraya Billion telah didapati melakukan kesalahan tidak menutup aurat.

Maka dia pun kena denda la...setelah surat saman dihulurkan oleh pegawai PBT, Ustaz ni pun bagi la nasihat,

"..lepas ni diharap saudari insaf dan dapat mematuhi peraturan..

Peraturan ni bukan semata-mata peraturan Majlis Perbandaran, tapi menutup aurat ni termasuk perintah Allah.

Ringkasnya, kalau taat segala perintahNya, pasti Dia akan membalas dengan nikmat di syurga..

kalau derhaka tak nak patuhi perintahNya, takut nanti tak sempat bertaubat, bakal mendapat azab di neraka Allah.

Tuhan Maha Penyayang, Dia sendiri tak mahu kita campakkan diri ke dalam neraka..."

Gadis tersebut yang dari awal mendiamkan diri, tiba-tiba membentak

"Kalau Tuhan tu betul-betul baik, kenapa buat neraka ?

Kenapa tak boleh sediakan syurga je?

Macam tu ke Tuhan Maha Penyayang?"


Mungkin dari tadi dia dah panas telinga, tak tahan dengar nasihat Ustaz tu..

dah la hati panas kena denda sebab dia tak pakai tudung..

Ustaz tu terkedu sekejap.

Bahaya budak ni.

Kalau dibiarkan boleh rosak akidah dia.

Setelah habis gadis tu membebel, Ustaz tu pun jawab:

"Dik, kalau Tuhan tak buat neraka, saya tak jadi ustaz.

Berapa sen sangat gaji saya sekarang.

Baik saya jadi tokey judi, atau bapa ayam..

....hidup senang, lepas mati pun tak risau sebab gerenti masuk syurga.

Mungkin awak ni pun saya boleh culik dan jual jadi pelacur.

Kalau awak nak lari, saya bunuh je.

Takpe, sebab neraka tak ada.

Nanti kita berdua jumpa lagi kat syurga..

Kan Tuhan tu baik???"

Gadis tu terkejut.

Tergamak seorang Ustaz cakap macam tu?

Sedang dia terpinga-pinga dengan muka confused, Ustaz tu pun jelaskan:

"Perkara macam tadi akan berlaku kalau Tuhan hanya sediakan syurga.

Orang baik, orang jahat, semua masuk syurga..

maka apa guna jadi orang baik???

Jadi orang jahat lebih seronok.

Manusia tak perlu lagi diuji sebab semua orang akan 'lulus' percuma.

Pembunuh akan jumpa orang yang dibunuh dalam syurga..

perogol akan bertemu lagi dengan mangsa rogol disyurga..

lepas tu boleh rogol lagi kalau dia nak..

takde siapa yang terima hukuman.

Sebab Tuhan itu 'baik'.

Adakah Tuhan macam ni yang kita nak?

Awak rasa, adil ke?"; tanya Ustaz.

"Ah..mana adil macam tu.

Orang jahat takkan la terlepas camtu je.." rungut si gadis.

Ustaz tersenyum dan menyoal lagi:

"Bila tuhan tak adil, boleh ke dianggap baik?"

Gadis tu terdiam.

Ustaz mengakhiri kata-katanya:

"Adik, saya bagi nasihat ni kerana kasih sesama umat Islam.

Allah itu Maha Penyayang, tapi Dia juga Maha Adil.

Sebab tu neraka perlu wujud.

Untuk menghukum hamba-hambaNya yang derhaka, yang menzalimi diri sendiri dan juga orang lain.

Saya rasa awak dah faham sekarang.

Kita sedang diuji kat atas dunia ni.

Jasad kita bahkan segala-galanya milik Allah, maka bukan HAK kita untuk berpakaian sesuka hati kita.

Ingatlah; semuanya dipinjamkan olehNya, sebagai amanah dan ujian..

Semoga kita dapat bersabar dalam mentaati segala perintahNya, untuk kebaikan diri kita juga.











Prophet (SAW)'s Prayers : Dua by an ill person

Prophet (SAW)'s Prayers
Dua by An Ill Person
Prophet Mohammad (SAW) said that if an ill person recites the following dua/prayer 40 times and dies in that illness, he will be rewarded as a martyr and if he regains his health, all his sins will be forgiven:
لَا إِلَهَ إِلَّا أَنْتَ سُبْحَانَكَ إِنِّي كُنْتُ مِنَ الظَّالِمِينَ
"There is none worthy of worship besides You O Allah, You are pure, I have oppressed my soul".
(Mustadrak).
In another hadith Prophet Mohammad (SAW.) said that if a person recites the following dua during his illness and dies, then the fire of hell is forbidden for him.
(Hisnul Hasin from Trimidhi etc).
لَا إِلَهَ إِلَّا اللَّهُ وَاللَّهُ أَكْبَرُ
لَا إِلَهَ إِلَّا اللَّهُ وَحْدَهُ
لَا إِلَهَ إِلَّا اللَّهُ وَحْدَهُ لَا شَرِيكَ لَهُ
لَا إِلَهَ إِلَّا اللَّهُ لَهُ الْمُلْكُ وَلَهُ الْحَمْدُ لَا إِلَهَ إِلَّا اللَّهُ وَلَا حَوْلَ وَلَا قُوَّةَ إِلَّا بِاللَّهِ
"There in none worthy of worship besides Allah, He is the Greatest. 

There is none worthy of worship besides Allah, He is all by Himself.

There is none worthy of worship besides Allah. He has no partner with Him. 

There is none worthy of worship besides Allah,
His is the Kingdom and all Praise. 

There is none worthy of worship besides Allah,
He is the one to grant us the ability to save ourselves from sinning and to do good".

Remembering The Sabra-Shatila Massacre


On the 30th anniversary of the Sabra-Shatila massacre, some say it is just one chapter in the rich history of violence.
 Last Modified: 16 Sep 2012 12:54


From his cinder block home in the Shatila refugee camp, Youssef Hamza remembers peering through a bathroom vent when he heard a woman running down the alley, screaming his name. Her arm was gushing blood but Hamza remained silent. Moments later, the militiamen came trampling after her, and he knew he had to act fast. He motioned quietly to his family, who were crouching in the dark, to get ready to make a run for it.

"I told them, 'don't speak, don't cough,'" the 65-year-old Palestinian refugee recalls, scratching a thin white beard. "Either we are going to be killed here or die trying to escape." He told those who protested, "We will rely on God."
Sneaking through the camp's network of dark alleyways, the family fled to the adjoining Beirut neighbourhood of Barbir. But there, under a highway overpass, they were met by a 50-calibre barrel of an Israeli gunner. Hamza says the soldier ordered them back, brushing off their plea that a massacre was taking place.

But Israeli commanders knew otherwise. They were actually in close coordination with the militiamen known as Phalangists, and had allowed them into Hamza's neighbourhood earlier that evening.

'Mopping up'  

Israeli tanks had rolled into Beirut and sealed off the camps the previous day on September 15, 1982, hours after the Jewish state's key ally in Lebanon, President Bachir Gemayel, was assassinated in a blast that killed him and 26 others. The Israelis entrusted the Phalangists - right-wing Christian fighters associated with the slain president' s party - with "searching and mopping up the camps", according to Israeli military orders.

Knowing the Phalangists sought revenge for Gemayel's death, an Israeli government inquiry held the country's defence minister, Ariel Sharon, "personally responsible" for the atrocities the militiamen carried out when they entered Shatila on the evening of September 16.

That night, while Hamza kept his family frantically on the move in the dark streets, others seeking shelter underground were less safe. 

Hamed Chamas was hiding in a basement with his brother and father when the Phalangists marched them out.
With big poufy disco hair, Chamas was 17 when he was struck in the back with a rifle butt, after he refused to line up outside with the others. He was shoved into place against a concrete wall, and the militiamen opened fire.

Thirty-years later, Chamas unfurls a tattered sepia print that captured the aftermath: A heap of bodies with their arms and legs outstretched - one of the most iconic images of the Sabra and Shatila massacre. He points to the limbs of his father and 22-year-old brother among the dead. Chamas himself was shot twice; one bullet grazed his head and another entered his leg. He was shielded from additional rounds when the bodies of others collapsed on top of him.
"I hid under the dead bodies for two days," he says.

Lebanese victims

Chamas, now 57, recounts his story by the light of a cell phone because there is no electricity in his home, located down a labyrinth of dark muddy alleyways in Hay el Arsal. It is one of many poor, densely packed Beirut neighbourhoods that have gradually grown seamlessly into the Shatila camp, since it was established in 1948 to house Palestinian refugees.

Today some 20,000 residents, mainly Lebanese and Palestinians, are crammed into the one square kilometer Shatila camp. Thousands more Lebanese live in surrounding slums such as Sabra, which was affected by the massacre but often mistakenly considered to be part of the official camp.

Chamas keeps a copy of his Lebanese passport handy amid the photographs and yellowed papers he pulls out when discussing the massacre with journalists. Many reporters misidentify him as Palestinian in their news articles, he complains, adding that Lebanese account for a large number of the dead and are often overlooked.

"After 30 years, my mind cannot handle it."    
- Oum Hussein, son and husband killed
The Lebanese Al Meqdad family alone lost at least 30 family members, death records show.

Oum Hussein, a stout 74 -year-old with a round stoic face, says she held up her Lebanese ID when the Phalangists raided her shelter. She was staying with her husband and young son. Although veiled, Oum Hussein pleaded with the militiamen that she had been raised Christian, but converted for marriage.
"They cursed me over and over. Words that cannot be repeated," she says.
Oum Hussein explained she and the other women were loaded in a truck and hauled away to a nearby sports stadium occupied by the Israelis.
They were released a few days later, and she came running back to the shelter. When she arrived, she found all 16 male occupants slaughtered - including her husband and son.
"After 30 years," she says weeping. "My mind cannot handle it."  
  
The Shatila killing spree went on for 48 hours and left piles of dead bodies rotting in the September sun. Photographs taken just after the attack show mutilated adult corpses with newborn babies tossed among them. Many were buried in a mass grave at the edge of Shatila camp, now marked by a single tombstone on an unkempt, red-dirt lot.
Survivors say women were routinely raped and some victims were buried alive or shot in front of their families. Truckloads of others were hauled away, never to be heard from again.

The Israeli government-sponsored Kahan Commission estimated the death toll at about 800, but other researchers, including Israeli author Amnon Kapeliouk, say the number was closer to 3,500.

History of violence

But the Sabra and Shatila massacre is just one chapter in the rich history of violence and destitution that characterises life in and around the camp. The dead rest among an estimated 150,000 killed during Lebanon's bloody 15 year civil war.    

"Why doesn't anyone ask about the massacres at Tel el Zaatar or the War of the Camps," asks 90-year-old Abu Mohammed, in reference to other mass killings that claimed the lives of thousands, both in Shatila and other Palestinian camps in Lebanon.

One of Shatila's oldest residents, Abu Mohammed fled Palestine in 1948. The Phalangists did not reach his door in the 1982 massacre, but six members of his family including his son were killed a few years later by Lebanese Shia militiamen, who shelled the camp incessantly in the late 1980s.

Hamza, who helped his family escape the Phalangists, also lost his son in the War of the Camps.
Thanks to Lebanon's 1991 amnesty law, issued at the civil war's end, the major militias that once marauded Beirut's streets have now become political parties and their commanding officers, leading politicians.
Among Lebanon's ruling parties is the Kataeb, which Shatila survivors see as the principal source of Phalangists who participated in the massacre.
Kataeb party Member of Parliament Nadim Gemayel, son of the assassinated president, says the Sabra and Shatila killings have received more media attention than other Lebanese massacres where Christians have been killed, in some cases by Palestinian fighters.
"What about Damour, Kahale, Ehden, Ashrafieh," he says, shooting off a list of Lebanese villages where mass killings took place as part of the tit-for-ta violence of the civil war. "There are a lot of Christian towns that have been omitted from history."

Gemayel, 30, was only an infant in 1982. He says no reconciliation efforts have taken place, but adds he is open to the idea. "A lot of crimes happened on both sides ... I think admitting that it happened from both sides can help."
But he cautioned against taking the initiative alone. "It should not be a one way act." 
Lebanese law prohibits Palestinian refugees from employment in most professions, restricting them to menial jobs.
Gemayel says he is proposing to build a wall to honour the names of Lebanese martyrs of all faiths. But this would not include Palestinians. 

Suffocating conditions

A memorial is not likely to improve the lives of the estimated 400,000 Palestinian refugees living in a dozen camps such as Shatila across Lebanon. The tight alleyways block sunlight, open sewers fill puddles in the street, and piles of garbage are everywhere, creating a suffocating stench. Little is available in terms of health care.

Palestinians are forced to endure these conditions because they are barred from owning property and earning decent wages in Lebanon. Though they have resided in the country for more than 60 years, Lebanese law prohibits Palestinian refugees from employment in most professions, restricting them to menial jobs. Lebanese officials frequently cite the danger of upsetting Lebanon's delicate Sunni-Shia-Christian power-sharing system as a reason behind the government's hardline policy.

For some camp residents, the only real option is to escape from Lebanon.

"I can never imagine staying in this country," says Hiba, a second-year college student studying journalism.
The 19-year-old is one of the few camp residents to have earned a scholarship at a prestigious Lebanese university, but her degree would be worthless in the local market. "If I stay here I'll never be able to work in my field."
Hiba's only hope is her mother's bid to gain asylum in Germany after having been smuggled into Europe with a counterfeit passport that cost the family a small fortune.

"We have no rights at all," she explains. "How can I build a future for myself or my children when we can't even own property."


Comment: Such massacres show that TRUTH will eventually win over the MIGHT of Israel. 

Tuesday, September 04, 2012

Buah Amal Saleh: Senang dan Mudah Beramal Saleh


Selasa, 04 September 2012





abdullah haidir
@abdullahhaidir1




فَأَمَّا مَنْ أَعْطَى وَاتَّقَى . وَصَدَّقَ بِالْحُسْنَى . فَسَنُيَسِّرُهُ لِلْيُسْرَى (سورة الليل: 5-7

Siapa yang mengeluarkan hartanya (sadaqah) dan bertakwa kepada Allah, serta membenarkan Laa ilaaha illallah dan kandungannya serta konsekwensinya, maka Kami akan beri petunjuk dan taufiq kepada sebab-sebab kebaikan, kesalihan dan kami mudahkan perkaranya. (QS. Al-Lail: 5-7)

وَأَمَّا مَنْ بَخِلَ وَاسْتَغْنَى . وَكَذَّبَ بِالْحُسْنَى . فَسَنُيَسِّرُهُ لِلْعُسْرَى . وَمَا يُغْنِي عَنْهُ مَالُهُ إِذَا تَرَدَّى (سورة الليل 8-11

Siapa yang bakhil dengan hartanya, dan merasa cukup tidak membutuhkan balasan Tuhannya, serta mendustakan Laa ilaaha Illallah serta kandungan dan konsekwensinya, maka akan Kami mudahkan baginya sebab-sebab kesengsaraan, dan tidak bermanfaat hartanya yang dia simpan ketika dirinya terjerumus dalam neraka. (QS. Al-Lail: 8-11)

(At-Tafsir Al-Muyassar)

Selain pahala dan janji surga, kita sering berharap kebaikan-kebaikan yang dapat kita saksikan secara indrawi dari ibadah dan amal saleh yang kita lakukan. Hal tersebut sah-sah saja, karena Allah juga menjanjikan kehidupan yang baik bagi mereka yang beriman dan beramal saleh.

Akan tetapi dalam ayat di atas, kita diingatkan bahwa ada salah satu balasan Allah Ta'ala yang diberikan kepada hamba-Nya yang suka beramal saleh dan berharap pahala, yaitu bahwa dia akan dimudahkan untuk melakukan amal-amal saleh pada waktu-waktu berikutnya. Inilah yang disebut taufiq dari Allah Ta'ala. Dan inilah yang sangat berharga dalam kehidupan seorang muslim.

Sebaliknya, hukuman terberat dari keengganan seseorang beramal saleh, adalah semakin tertutup hatinya dan semakin enggan dirinya untuk melakukan berbagai kebaikan dan ketaatan.

Karena itu, sebagian salaf berkata,

مِنْ ثَوَابِ الْحَسَنَةِ الْحَسَنَةُ بَعْدَهَا، وَمِنْ جَزَاءِ السَّيِّئَةِ السَّيِّئَةُ بَعْدَهَا

"Di antara ganjaran kebaikan adalah (lahirnya) kebaikan berikutnya. Dan di antara balasan keburukan adalah (lahirnya) keburukan sesudahnya." (Tafsir Ibnu Katsir)

Ibadah dan amal saleh, hendaknya menjadi energi atau bahan bakar untuk melahirkan amal saleh pada waktu berikutnya.

Wallahua'lam.

Riyadh, Syawwal 1433
http://www.pkspiyungan.org/2012/09/buah-amal-saleh-senang-dan-mudah.html

Doa Perlindungan Terbaik dan Terlengkap



Muhib Al-Majdi
Jum'at, 17 Februari 2012 09:58:00













(Arrahmah.com) – Begitu sayangnya Rasulullah Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam kepada umatnya, sehingga beliau mengajari kita banyak doa perlindungan yang lengkap dari segala keburukan. Dengan doa-doa perlindungan tersebut, seorang muslim tidak perlu khawatir lagi dalam menghadapi berbagai tantangan dan cobaan kehidupan.
Dari Aisyah Radhiyallahu ‘anha bahwasanya Nabi Muhammad Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam biasa membaca doa berikut ini:
«اللَّهُمَّ إِنِّي أَعُوذُ بِكَ مِنَ الكَسَلِ وَالهَرَمِ، وَالمَأْثَمِ وَالمَغْرَمِ، وَمِنْ فِتْنَةِ القَبْرِ، وَعَذَابِ القَبْرِ، وَمِنْ فِتْنَةِ النَّارِ وَعَذَابِ النَّارِ، وَمِنْ شَرِّ فِتْنَةِ الغِنَى، وَأَعُوذُ بِكَ مِنْ فِتْنَةِ الفَقْرِ، وَأَعُوذُ بِكَ مِنْ فِتْنَةِ المَسِيحِ الدَّجَّالِ، اللَّهُمَّ اغْسِلْ عَنِّي خَطَايَايَ بِمَاءِ الثَّلْجِ وَالبَرَدِ، وَنَقِّ قَلْبِي مِنَ الخَطَايَا كَمَا نَقَّيْتَ الثَّوْبَ الأَبْيَضَ مِنَ الدَّنَسِ، وَبَاعِدْ بَيْنِي وَبَيْنَ خَطَايَايَ كَمَا بَاعَدْتَ بَيْنَ المَشْرِقِ وَالمَغْرِبِ»
"Ya Allah, aku berlindung kepada-Mu dari kemalasan dan usia jompo, perbuatan dosa dan hutang, fitnah kubur dan azab kubur, fitnah neraka dan azab neraka, keburukan fitnah kekayaan; aku berlindung kepada-Mu dari fitnah kemiskinan dan aku berlindung kepada-Mu dari fitnah Masih Dajjal.
Ya Allah, cuci bersihlah kesalahan-kesalahanku dengan es dan embun. Bersihkanlah hatiku dari kesalahan-kesalahan sebagaimana Engkau membersihkan kain yang putih dari kotoran. Dan jauhkanlah aku dari kesalahan-kesalahanku sebagaimana Engkau menjauhkan jarak antara timur dan barat." (HR. Bukhari: Kitab ad-da'awat no. 6368 dan Muslim: Kitab adz-dzikr no. 589).

sumber: http://arrahmah.com/read/2012/02/17/18142-doa-perlindungan-terbaik-dan-terlengkap.html


Monday, September 03, 2012

Amalkan Doa Sewaktu Sakit

Kepada kawan-kawan kita yang sakit, please AMALKAN pesanan dari Nabi SAW seperti berikut:.

Jika pesakit membaca doa berikut:
1. Laa ilaaha illallahu Allahu akbar
2. Laa ilaaha illallahu wahdahu laa syariikalah
3. Laa ilaaha illallahu lahul mulku walahul hamdu
4. Laa ilaaha illallahu walaa haula walaa quwwata illa billah
ia akan diselamatkan daripada api neraka. (lihat sampai habis).

Rujukan:
Mufti EMH Salajee (2003). Sunnah Harian. Johor Bahru : Jahabersa. Bab 44 Sunnah Berkaitan  Sakit dan Rawatannya. Muka surat 166 dan 167.

Imam Habib Abdullah Haddad (1982). Alih bahasa Syed Ahmad Semait. Singapura : Pustaka Nasional. muka surat 61. Tambahan ialah Laa ilaaha illallahu WAllahu akbar
BUKAN Laa ilaaha illallahu Allahu akbar.

Maulana Muhammad Yusuf  Al-Kandahlavi (2003). Muntakhab Ahadith. Alih bahasa Muhammmad Qosim At Timori. Batam: Team Jami’atul Ulum Ar-Rahman. Edaran Jahabersa, Johor Bahru. Muka surat 325 dan 326. Tambahan ialah  bacaan Laa ilaaha illallahu wallahu akbar bukan Laa ilaaha illallahu Allahu akbar sebagai bacaan baris pertama, dan bacaan Laa ilaaha illallahu wahdah sebagai bacaan baris kedua, diikuti dengan bacaan 3 kalimah yang sedia.

Oleh itu dengan mengunapakai ketiga-tiga buah buku diatas, doa yang lengkap adalah seperti berikut:

1. Laa ilaaha illallahu wallahu akbar
2. Laa ilaaha illallahu wahdah
3. Laa ilaaha illallahu wahdahu laa syariikalah
4. Laa ilaaha illallahu lahul mulku walahul hamdu
5. Laa ilaaha illallahu walaa haula walaa quwwata illa billah.

Wallahu a’lam. Selamat beramal dan sampaikan. Ws.

Egypt: The triumph of Hassan Al-Banna

Morsi's victory crowns decades of struggle for an Egypt which has sought modernisation since Muhammad Ali's reign.
Last Modified: 04 Jul 2012 15:47
Mohamed Morsi's victory marks the triumph of Muslim Brotherhood founder Hassan Al-Banna [EPA]
Dr Mohamed Morsi's victory is special for two reasons. It marks the triumph of Imam Hassan Al-Banna, the Muslim Brotherhood's founder, first ideologue and leader. And it represents the onset of a new cycle in Egyptian and Arab politics more generally.

For this reason, never before has the Arab Middle East (AME) faced as stark a break with the past. Egypt is once again, and deservedly, poised to reclaim the mantle of leadership in the AME.

Indeed, Morsi inaugurates an experiment in democratic rule. All previous Egyptian strongmen owed their rule to the sword - from Muhammad Ali Pasha (1805-1849) through Muhammad Naguib (Egypt's first president, 1953-54) to Hosni Mubarak (1981-2011).

For the first time in Egyptian and Arab political history, genuinely multi-candidate presidential elections, not managed top-down, yielded a result in which candidates did not receive more than 90 per cent of the vote, as they had in the past. Morsi is Egypt's new president, and the biggest comfort in all of this is that his rival, Ahmed Shafiq, accepted the result, which was unprecedentedly close.

More importantly, Morsi will not be president for more than 10 years, much less 20 or more like his predecessors, the "officer-Pashas" of Egyptian politics, since Nasser took over from Naguib in 1954.

The victory is a welcome boon for the Arab Spring, which no sooner had it sprung than its detractors, both Arab and Western, began a cacophony over an "Arab Winter". Legitimacy is reshaping the decaying tyrannical Arab order, and while it is not easy to cultivate the institutions and the laws of a durable Arab Spring, Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, bound by territorial contiguity, can add value to the dawn of a new Arab renaissance in North Africa.

Like the ousters of the three countries' dictators, along with subsequent steps along a two-pronged democratic-revolutionary track, Morsi's victory - in what is a visibly free and fair contest - represents a particularly significant moment that has been in the offing for 84 years.

The Brotherhood's role

No understanding of Morsi's victory and his ascension to political prominence today is complete without linking it to the Muslim Brotherhood movement (in Arabic, "Al-Ikhwan") begun by Al-Banna. Al-Ikhwan's method, practice and thought did not appear overnight. They are the gift of cumulative learning, including from errors of judgement and victimisation by successive national-secular regimes.

As in Turkey, where the ruling Justice and Development Party's origins may be traced to the Gülen Movement, in Egypt Morsi's Freedom and Justice Party derives its weight from the Ikhwan's historical pedigree as a school of thought championing an Islamic method and motivated by civic engagement, gradual construction of society, a participatory ethos favouring non-confrontation, and global outreach.
 Mohamed Morsi sworn in as Egypt's president
Morsi's victory crowns decades of struggle for an Egypt which has since Muhammad Ali's reign sought modernisation by mimicking the French, or Europeans in general.

Al-Banna, in one sense, stands for a worldview in which the comprehensiveness of Islam is the logos of imagining morality, community and polity. His project and call have finally triumphed.

What has triumphed is not only its grab for power enabled through democratic means, a game Al-Banna's heirs have perfected through sacrifice, dedication, tenacity, and social and political engagement. Rather, and more importantly, Al-Banna triumphs as a visionary who valourises the role and relevance of loyalty to Islam as alternative mediums for pursuing self-actualisation.

From Muhammad Ali through Nasser to Bourguiba - and from Tantawi to Khair Al-Din Pasha - modernisation has been cemented, if not reduced, to a template of relative Western mimicry. Al-Banna reopens the Islamic repertoire in search of a brand of modernity that never accepts separate realms for God and for Caesar. "Islam is the solution" as advertised in the standard slogan of the 1970s and 1980s is not an itinerary for fanaticism - as Western academy and security apparatuses have tended to oversimplify.

Rather, the phrase was intended to be a roadmap for organising politics, in which "God is great" levels the playing field among mortals. The sanctity of life is conferred by God and humans cannot deny them to each other.

No one can assume the Ikhwan will dominate politics indefinitely in the new Egypt. However, for now the school founded by Al-Banna has proven its worth in Egyptian politics.

As with Morsi's victory, Al-Banna can now rest in the knowledge that the ghosts of Napoleon Bonaparte's doomed 1798 expedition to Egypt no longer menace his beloved country. There is an anti-colonial context to Al-Banna's thought. He participated in the 1919 Revolution, just as Morsi and his compatriots have been party to the 2011 uprising.

Moreover, 84 years after he founded the Ikhwan, modern-day resisters of all walks of life and of all political colours have prevailed over injustice, helping his society to showcase how his vision fares in practice.

Al-Banna's indigenous school

As a project steeped in Islamic reform and revivalism, Al-Banna's project focuses the search for indigeneity within an Islamic framework. This framework is methodical, founded on a gradualist construction of the individual Muslim, the family, community or jama'ah, and ending up with government as the last stage in binding Muslims to God through a covenant that obeys immutable values as well as mutable dimensions concerning worldly affairs.

Morsi's presidential programme of nahda, or renaissance, is inspired by Al-Banna's method, in which godly and popular sovereignty, the mutable and immutable, the individual and the community, and the worldly and other-worldly seek harmony through the creative tension necessitated by change of time and space.

Al-Banna, like Ibn Khaldun, appreciates the value of association in its entirety. Al-Banna is a different type of preacher. He combines the sound pedagogical techniques of a school along with the civic morality of a grassroots activist. He grasped the politics of space and acted accordingly, giving sermons from coffee-houses when more traditional religious preachers would choose the mosque.

Al-Banna was sensitive to language and knew how to calibrate his speech to the ordinary folk he sought to recruit to build youth clubs, social and religious associations, schools, clinics and charity organisations. The glue he provided to bind them together on their quasi-"missionary" endeavour was his moral teachings, which he premised on Islamic notions of piety, compassion, discipline, hard work, charity and mutual obligation.

Through Islam, Al-Banna taught his companions to seek answers through local and indigenous moral, social, religious and political intellectual resources. His aim was to inspire them to imbibe and live up to Islam's morals and laws as the answer to the ways of the colonials.

The quest for nahda

It is the norms of association, indigeneity, gradualism and non-confrontation within Islam's terms of reference that animate the Ikhwan today. Morsi's victory is no small measure owed to the ideals preached by Al-Banna more than 80 years ago. However, Al-Banna's heirs today face their first test as power-holders - even if without much parliamentary oversight and under the watchful guise of a powerful military bureaucracy.


The Ikhwan have come a long way. They have tested how to bind theory and practice, ideal and reality, and ultimately individual, family, and society with the values of Islam. Today, however, they enter a new phase in which they test and will be tested by binding the last circle in the chain of a Muslim-imagined community, government to religion.

It is a test that cannot be expected to be easy. Al-Banna's method resonated with fundamental principles such as understanding, trust, sacrifice, brotherhood, resoluteness, perseverance and action. They will matter today as they did when they were first articulated at the beginning of the 20th century.

Ultimately, however, for Morsi to close the serious gap between theory and practice, a lacuna in Muslim governance and a high demand across much Arab geography littered with tyrannical rulers, he will require a level of leadership that has not been experienced by Egyptians for a long time. To succeed in his quest for renaissance, his job will be to help the moral compass needle swing first toward common national objectives - and only secondly towards more narrow partisan ideals. Of these, solving issues of social justice, bread, transportation and jobs, as envisaged in his agenda of his first hundred days in office, sound like a step in the right direction.

The "Morsi-metre" set up by young Egyptians to track his delivery on promises made during his campaign has begun the count. Thus his soon-to-be advisers and he must keep in mind that he will be monitored, unlike his predecessors, by resisters who are not politicians and whose grasp of the public square ethos is today no less influential than institutional checks and balances.

His interest in office or partisan politics must not exceed his interest in their politics of social justice.
Dr Larbi Sadiki is a Senior Lecturer in Middle East Politics at the University of Exeter, and author of Arab Democratization: Elections without Democracy (Oxford University Press, 2009) and The Search for Arab Democracy: Discourses and Counter-Discourses (Columbia University Press, 2004).
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.
Source:
Al Jazeera